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rasoulallahbinbadisassalacerhso  wefaqdev iktab
الثلاثاء, 24 أيار 2016 17:48

The looming collapse of agriculture on the Great Plains 2/2

كتبه  By Wil S. Hylton
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The next morning we continued west, passing small towns and empty homesteads and fields of unassembled turbines. Finally, about noon, we arrived at the headquarters of the Mariah Project, a ramshackle old brick building in the heart of Bovina, Texas.

The local organizer of the wind farm was Jim Bob Swafford, a plump fellow with buzzed white hair and a bunchy green sweater. In a large room with plaster flaking off the walls, we sat down at a table with Swafford and one of his Norwegian partners, Harald Dirdal, who happened to be in town for a few days.

Swafford was a longtime Bovina resident who tended to sit quietly with his hands in his lap, peering through a pair of enormous glasses. Dirdal was lean, fast-talking, and outlandishly handsome, dressed for the imaginary West in a fitted shirt, silver belt buckle, and black cowboy boots. For years, his company, Havgul, had also been working on a wind project in Lake Michigan, much to the disgruntlement of local residents, who agonized over the ruination of their sunset. In Bovina, he had no such problem. He and Swafford had already acquired about two thirds of the county’s wind rights, without a single negotiation with an individual landowner. They simply offered the same deal to everyone, which everyone either accepted or declined — or, Dirdal said with a smile, declined for a while, and then accepted.

As we flipped through various plans for the project, Dirdal explained why his company was interested in developing the Panhandle. “In a wind farm, the wind is free, so the costs are maintenance and capital,” he said. “And they’re exactly the same whether you’re here or in California. But in Texas, you don’t have regulatory issues! I mean, in California, to develop a wind farm is a nightmare. Here, you can do whatever you want.”

As Dirdal laid out his plans, the front door of the building swung open, and a burly farmer named Floyd Reeve strode in to deliver some paperwork. Reeve had the look of a man who brooked no distraction, and when I invited him to sit with us, he made a big show of studying his watch, then shrugged: “I guess I’ve got about thirty minutes.”

I asked Reeve what his reaction had been at the first news of a giant wind farm in Bovina. “Well,” he said, glancing at Dirdal and Swafford, “we’ve been about something to do with the wind forever here. Electricity didn’t come until about 1940, so many folks had these eight-volt wind chargers to run a radio with, or maybe even a milking machine. So wind chargers, they’re way old.” He added, “But not near the technology that’s jumped on it now.”

“How much ground do you expect each turbine to use?” I asked.

“Maybe 100 square feet.”

“Will it make any difference to your farming?”

“No, that’s the beautiful part,” he said. “The interruption to daily life is minuscule.”

After a while, Reeve had to move on, but Wilkinson and I stayed the afternoon, meeting with other farmers who stopped by, and I began to see the wind the way these men saw it: not as a solution, but as a stopgap to compensate for the disappearing aquifer. If they had to live under industrial installations that blotted out the sun every third second, well, at least it was better than being shunted off to some urban nightmare. I also noticed that Wilkinson had become uncharacteristically quiet. The evening before, when we’d stopped for dinner with a priest and nun near the town of Nazareth, he’d been voluble and lively, but something in Bovina troubled him. Later that afternoon, as we headed south toward Muleshoe, Wilkinson tapped his fingers on the wheel, and eventually spoke up.

“You know,” he said, “a lot of these farmers say they’re going to keep farming after they get wind. Some of them say they’ll quit row-cropping and keep cattle. My fear is, they won’t do either. When you visit actual wind farms down south, most of them used to keep cattle, and most of them don’t keep cattle anymore. Now the only thing they farm is wind.”


Back in Kansas, Donn Teske wouldn’t hear it. Sure, if you asked him point blank, he’d allow that wind was coming, and that after the family farms gave out and the aquifer ran dry and the megafarms vanished, the only thing left might be windmills. That’s why his son was at college studying turbine technology. But Teske wasn’t giving up. He was still looking for an agricultural future.

After a few days together on his farm, we had developed an easy rapport. We sorted calves and hauled them to the stockyards, a rambling compound of kicked-up dust and cattlemen stretched on wooden bleachers under a droning auctioneer’s call, which yanked me back to childhood memories of the Virginia yards, with my grandfather buying and selling and hustling and bullshitting the same twenty men he’d known all his life. Teske was a perfect guide to this world, pattering under his breath about friends and neighbors and newfangled ideas with the cool detachment of an immersion sociologist. When it finally came time for me to pack up and continue west, he mumbled that I would need an interpreter, and began throwing shirts in a bag.

But the trip initially disappointed him. The farmers we stopped to talk with seemed to break his heart more each day. On a 12,000-acre plantation near Weskan, Kansas, we stood inside a cavernous warehouse of gleaming tractors and combines while the owner chattered and Teske interjected questions about loan terms and well output. He nodded gravely at the answers and chomped on the stub of his cigar until, as we headed down the driveway, his face collapsed and he moaned, “That poor bastard can’t even see the cliff he’s going off.”

Now we were on our way to see a rancher I’d been hearing about for several weeks, mostly in angry whispers. At seventy-four, Larry Haverfield was the scourge of every neighbor within fifty miles because he refused to exterminate prairie dogs. Instead, he allowed them to burrow into some 6,000 acres of a 10,000-acre ranch, which to most farmers is like giving 60 percent of your kitchen to rats. Terrified that the dogs would spread to their own property, Haverfield’s neighbors had issued threats and lawsuits, while he amassed support from such groups as Audubon of Kansas and the Nature Conservancy — which only added to the widespread suspicion that Haverfield was some kind of subversive out to wreck farming.

Haverfield’s ranch was beyond remote: it was alien, hermitic, godforsaken — a pile of nailed-up wooden planks adrift on a sea of soil. We drove for hours just to reach the nearest town, Russell Springs, population twenty-four, and then we continued past fields of mangy cattle teetering on a desiccated horizon before finally pulling up to the farmhouse, where we parked beside a 1974 pickup with a white grain box strapped on top like a saddle.

Haverfield met us at the door with a glare, a short, brittle creature in coveralls, with a stubbly white beard and hands so weathered that most of his nails were broken off entirely. I had called that morning to see if it was okay to visit, and he sounded welcoming on the phone, but the sight of Teske seemed to put him on edge. He motioned for us to take a seat at the Formica island between his kitchen and living room, and looked us over, wondering aloud, “Who’s taking care of who here?”

“I’m his chauffeur and interpreter,” Teske grunted.

Haverfield scowled and walked into the kitchen. A sticker on the refrigerator said stop g.o.p. lies. He put a kettle of water on for tea. “Well, what it is here,” he said, “is we’re mimicking the way it was when the buffalo were here.”

Teske nodded. “I’m on the Kansas Graziers Association board,” he said.

Haverfield’s scowl deepened. “Them guys,” he said. “I don’t see much good coming out of them.”

“You’re thinking of somebody else,” Teske said quickly.

“I’m thinking of anything I see.”

“Well, we’re not with K State or anything.”

“Oh,” Haverfield said. “That helps.”

Teske opened a copy of Audubon magazine on the table, then closed it. “I’ve had the opportunity to go down to Allan Savory’s school,” he offered.

“You’ve been there?” Haverfield said.

“Mm-hmm.”

“On a full-week deal?”

“Mm-hmm.” Teske smiled. “I’m a little strange nut, too.”

Now Haverfield was grinning. “You are!” he cried, hurrying back to the table. “I’m feeling more comfortable all the time!”

We poured tea, and Haverfield began to explain his thinking about the prairie dogs. The short answer was that he, like Teske, was a student of Allan Savory. As an officer in the Northern Rhodesian Game Department during the 1960s, Savory had set out to redesign the basic tenets of livestock husbandry. Eventually, he developed a series of methods known as “holistic management.” At their core, these involve a simple insight: landscapes like the Great Plains have evolved to support native species, like buffalo, and so the best way to preserve those landscapes is to behave like the native species did.

This, of course, is easier to preach than to practice. For ranchers on the plains, it means encouraging large herds of cattle to behave like buffalo, a task made no easier by the fact that cattle and buffalo act nothing alike. Buffalo tend to roam widely, eating most vegetation and stopping only periodically at waterways, while cattle are finicky and easily habituated, lingering near water sources and grazing the same patch of ground repeatedly.

To bridge the gap between cattle and buffalo, Savory proposed a number of methods, but the most dramatic was a change in fencing. Instead of allowing cattle to run free within the perimeter of the property, ranchers could install a series of smaller paddocks, through which the herd could be shuffled every few days. This would force them to pick each paddock clean before they moved on, and then allow each paddock time to recover. The cost of the additional fencing and herding, Savory argued, would return to the rancher in efficiency and sustainability, as the fields produced more grass and the cattle ate more of it.

By the time Haverfield heard about Savory, he was in his forties, married, and had children who were already branching off to run cattle of their own. But after three decades of working his land, Haverfield was convinced that “we were doing a poor job.” In 1986, he went off to a management school run by one of Savory’s associates, and when he returned he was committed to rotation grazing. Gradually, he began to pay more attention to Savory’s holistic philosophy. What his neighbors would come to regard as a “prairie-dog problem” was to Haverfield just one detail of a much larger awakening. And now he asked: “Did you see any prairie dogs coming in?”

I realized that, in the course of the seemingly endless drive, I hadn’t.

Haverfield nodded. “We might not see a prairie dog all day,” he said. “I’m seeing more hawks than I am prairie dogs.”

But this, he added, was just the point. Centuries ago, dog towns on the plains were kept in check by a host of predators, including hawks, eagles, and ferrets. But the systematic extermination of dog towns had gradually wiped out the predators as well. For most of his life, Haverfield said, “I’d never seen an eagle here, and I didn’t know what a ferruginous hawk was.”

Now these predators were back. “About three weeks ago, we saw forty ferruginous in two hours,” he said. “Yesterday, I saw a golden eagle on a highline pole.” To Haverfield, this made the talk of a “prairie-dog problem” shortsighted at best. The problem had never really been the dogs. It was the lack of predators, and the two canceled each other out.

Haverfield gulped the last of his tea and invited us to have a look, so we crammed three wide into his pickup and rattled out across the open fields. Here and there, we did see dogs pop up to sniff the wind, but Haverfield was right: the more dazzling spectacle was overhead, as hawks and eagles spiraled in such numbers that Teske, a lifelong Kansan, kept shaking his head in disbelief and saying things like, “Them get big!”

After a few minutes, Haverfield pointed to a small butte on the horizon with a thin crust of rock at the top. “That,” he said, “is the Ogallala.”

Teske laughed. “You’re underneath it!” he said. In this area, the layer of rock at the bottom of the aquifer had never been covered with sediment. In fact, that layer itself had eroded, dropping the surface of the landscape until the only place the aquifer basin remained was on the tops of the hills that hadn’t washed away. All of which made Haverfield’s ranch an accidental model for the post-Ogallala future: there was not a quadrillion-gallon jackpot below. Yet somehow, with Savory’s guidance, Haverfield got by. Even without the Ogallala, he said, there was a shallow aquifer a few feet down that produced a thin stream of water — not enough to row-crop corn, or any of the other madness on the plains, but enough, it turned out, to survive. “We could do everything we need with two ten-gallon wells,” he said.

This turned out to be Haverfield’s mantra. Nothing about the ranch was ideal, but at each turn, he had chosen wisdom over comfort. The well might be shallow, the fencing system complex, the fields shot through with dog towns and burrows — but in the end, the place offered a vision of livestock on the plains that could last without destroying the land.

As we neared the edge of a rotation paddock, we could see the strands of an electric fence drawing close, but Haverfield kept speeding forward with no sign of slowing down. He flashed a rascally smile and said, “You want to see how I cross?” Before we could answer, he’d thrown the truck into low gear, opened the door, and jumped out, leaving Teske and me in the driverless pickup still lurching toward the electric wires, until here came Haverfield sprinting ahead, kicking up a seventy-four-year-old leg to stomp down on all the wires at once, just in time for the truck to rumble across, while Teske and I glanced at each other in disbelief. The driver’s door began to rattle again, and Haverfield leapt back into the cab. Teske chewed on his cigar. “Well,” he said slowly. “Damn.”

 

After a few weeks on the plains, the sight of Frank and Deborah Popper can be startling. Despite twenty-five years of roaming the region, they remain so completely out of place that if you happened upon them at a gas station, there’s a good chance you would peg them immediately as hapless eastern academics in search of some heartland grail.

This is not to say the Poppers look alike. Frank is a burbling, bubbling character, with a great bald pate and saucer eyes that beam ecstatically with the arrival of each new idea as he relates his vision for the Buffalo Commons in a lisp reminiscent of Wallace Shawn’s. Deborah is wary, petite, with gemlike cheekbones and flashing eyes. Next to Frank, she is Esmeralda in the tower. She is also compulsively thorough, clinically precise, and sometimes difficult to comprehend.

These differences also extend to their work. When the Poppers speak together, their presentations are rife with quibbles and quarrels, qualifications and disagreements, sometimes over the most basic details, like what “the Buffalo Commons” actually means. Since they first coined the term in the December 1987 issue of Planningmagazine, they have retreated from some of their most specific prescriptions. In the article, for example, they described a federal takeover of abandoned land that would morph into a highly regulated national park: “We are suggesting that the region be returned to its original pre-white state, that it be, in effect, deprivatized.”

This kind of talk, the Poppers soon discovered, sparks fire on the plains. It may be agonizing for the average farmer to witness an exodus of neighbors, but in such a stubbornly individualist environment, the prospect of a federal takeover is something else entirely. As Deborah put it, “people were smiling a little more at us if we didn’t sayfederal.” Frank, of course, recalibrated quickly, and today he misses no opportunity to assure audiences that the Buffalo Commons can be achieved mainly through private enterprise.

At the Kansas Farmers Union convention, I found the Poppers by a table of ID tags. They weren’t scheduled to speak until the next morning, but they had come to pick up their materials, and now stood outside the opening ceremony. Through the door, they could see a room filled with farmers eating buffet while a female vocalist sang odes to the plains. Frank gestured toward the door with a smile. Deborah recoiled. “We’re going in?”

“Sure,” Frank said. “I think we have to.”

“We have to?”

“Yeah, I think we have to poke our heads in.”

Deborah looked aggrieved, but followed Frank inside, where we took seats in the back. The light was low, and as we peered across the chasm between us and the rest of the crowd, I had a flash of what the Poppers have experienced all these years on the plains. There was Donn Teske, in a wrinkled shirt that was either yellow or old; there was Andy Wilkinson, in a black vest and towering hat; there were the entertainers, taking turns at the microphone — singers, comics, a ventriloquist with a dummy — all illuminated by the stage lights while we observed from the shadows. It was like watching the Kansas Farmers Union on high-definition TV.

In the morning, the room was transformed: tables gone, chairs lined up in rows. A stream of speakers took turns offering updates on the state of farming. Finally, late in the afternoon, Teske rose to introduce the Poppers. Frank took the microphone first, but it didn’t work, so he stepped out into the crowd, speaking as loudly as he could.

“Deborah and I know how hard it is to be a member of this tribe,” he called out. “It seems to me, and I say this as a compliment, you are practicing what Bill Bradley called ‘Romantic Capitalism.’ You’re doing a job. You’re working for a living. The payoffs are not primarily economic. And you persist at this precisely because you are Romantic Capitalists — some of the last Romantic Capitalists in America . . .”

As Frank spoke, men began shifting in their chairs, leaning back and crossing their arms. Whether this was a reflection of dissent or boredom wasn’t entirely clear. Either way, Frank sallied on.

“Lots of things have happened to make the idea of the Buffalo Commons acquire what I would call the muscle of reality,” he told the crowd. “There is now a moderately thriving buffalo industry on the plains. There have been large-scale buy-ups by land-preservation organizations like the Nature Conservancy. Several Indian tribes, in states like South Dakota, now use the Buffalo Commons as a central part of their land-use planning.” He spent a minute or two debunking the idea that perpetual growth was America’s birthright, and that it was unpatriotic to question it. “We have occasionally been accused of having an un-American approach,” he said, “where the Buffalo Commons seems to imply a defeatism. It doesn’t. It implies that you get away from the idea of having too much growth, always overburdening the land, always overmastering the environment — and always getting kicked in the rear as a result.”

With a nod, Frank handed the microphone, which was now working, to Deborah.

“All right,” she said. “I’m going to go hide behind the table, how’s that?” There was no reaction, so she shuffled a few papers and began reading what sounded like an academic study about agricultural development. This went on for about fifteen minutes. People got to scratching their necks and picking lint off their clothes. It was hard to believe that someone as sharp as Deborah Popper could misunderstand her audience so completely. But when at last she finished, a few hands raised. Frank pointed to a stocky man near the front, who stood.

“America has been the great grain silo of the world,” he said. “This sort of pulls that theory apart. What are you going to do to feed the world, without American agriculture as it stands now?”

“Yeah,” Frank said. There was a long pause. “Our approach is not one where Americans give up on agriculture. They do a different kind of agriculture. And they may do it in regionally different ways. If you look, for example, at the statistics about where cattle come from, increasingly they do not come from the Great Plains. They come from the southeast — places like Tennessee and Alabama and Kentucky.”

Deborah took the mic and locked eyes with the questioner. “Let me be straightforward,” she said. “I don’t have the answer.”

“This is an area where we differ,” Frank added.

“Uh, yeah,” Deborah said. “What we need to think about is the assumption of America as the granary of last resort. We don’t need to move everything all over the world, and we want sub-Saharan Africa to remain competitive.”

This did not seem to offer much solace. Whether agriculture was heading for the Deep South or South Africa made little difference to Kansas farmers.

“Forty years ago,” one guy said loudly, “there’d have been five hundred people here.”

Frank nodded. “Over the last two generations, both agriculture and industry essentially had their lunch eaten,” he said. “We are now in what social scientists call the Information Age. This is not the world of the Kansas Farmers Union.”

Somebody called, “And you think America will succeed with that kind of employment pattern?”

“I don’t know,” Frank said. “I’m ambivalent about it, too. It’s this weird new America, that maybe will make sense to our families generations from now. People stare at computers, and go to committee meetings, and write memos, and their product at the end of the day is what economists call ‘services.’ That’s not the tangible product you produce in Blue Valley, Kansas.”

“How much can I possibly add to that?” Deborah said. “One thing is, it’s an economy that does not absorb everybody. So we can see increased unemployment.”

As the Poppers continued, they painted a picture that was relentlessly grim, yet nobody in the room seemed shocked. The march of the past few decades had prepared them for the worst. Everyone, even the most stalwart holdout, was willing to accept that the academics had been right: the jobs were gone, the people were gone, and neither of them were coming back.

About halfway through the lecture, the door opened and a tall man in his seventies wandered in, taking a seat in the last row or two. He was built like a linebacker and had the shaggy hair of an insouciant teen. He listened attentively, but without expression, as the Poppers spoke. When the presentation ended, he sat motionlessly while the room emptied out. Then he stood, grinning, as the Poppers hurried over, and Wes Jackson wrapped Deborah in a hug.

 

Jackson is something of a mythic force on the plains. Born and raised near Topeka, he played football at Kansas Wesleyan, earned a doctorate in genetics at North Carolina State, and taught in California until 1976, when he returned to Kansas to form a nonprofit called The Land Institute. Ever since, Jackson’s singular ambition has been to remake the rules of agriculture. In particular, he wants to replace the annual crops of today’s farming with what he calls “perennial polyculture.”

As Jackson sees it, the biggest problem with agriculture comes from the annual sowing of seeds. If grains like corn, soy, and wheat could be turned into perennial plants, many of the environmental problems from farming could be relieved in one stroke. The deep roots of perennials would have access to more nutrients and water, would never have to be tilled, and so would require no pesticide, herbicide, fertilizer, or irrigation. What’s more, if those perennials could be planted in mixed fields, they would also phase out many of the problems associated with monoculture farming.

At the conference center, afternoon was fading into evening, and Jackson suggested we join him for dinner. We hurried off to collect our coats, then reconvened out front to pile into his sedan. Deborah wore a black dress with a lavender topcoat; Frank returned with an enormous hat shaped like the head of a buffalo. As he climbed into the car, Jackson nodded gravely, “That’s quite a hat you’ve got there, Frank.”

We followed the highway a few miles, with the sun dropping to the horizon and the sky turning a radiant orange. Jackson said little, smiling slightly while Frank and Deborah gazed out the windows. Then we turned onto a dirt road and drove into a field, where Jackson came to a stop and shut off the engine, rolling down a window in the dusky light. Nothing about the field seemed worth mentioning. There were rows of grain with the seed heads clipped off, and bare soil between plants, but Jackson had a beatific expression. He waved a hand slowly across the view. “Ten thousand years,” he said, “we’ve been waiting for that.”

The field, he explained, was a perennial variant of wheat. After nearly forty years of research, he was beginning to see the plants produce.
 
 
 
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